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Saturday, 8 July 2017

Palestine Expo 2017 - The Largest Palestine Event in Europe - Packed and Successful

Despite the Best efforts of the Zionists to Ban It, Palestine Expo Has Been an Incredible Success
Well the Zionists, led by the far-Right Jewish Human Rights Watch (which watches over attempts to implement human rights) and the virulently Islamaphobic Campaign Against Anti-Semitism did their best to stop the biggest ever Palestine event in Britain and probably Europe.  They tried every racist trick in the book but even Sajid David couldn't find enough of a pretext to destroy free speech on Palestine.
A rapt audience - all the sessions were packed out with standing room only - this demonstrates the level of support for the Palestinians in Britain - hence the feverish Zio attempts to have the conference banned - they probably forgot this isn't Israel!


I had to return to Brighton at 3 pm.m but the sessions were not only impressive but too often really good sessions coincided with each other.
David Collier and wife enjoying Palestinian food b4 being escorted out
I went to 3 sessions - the first one was entitled Balfour to Apartheid.  The opening speaker was Ben Jamal, Director of Palestine Solidarity Campaign.  He was followed by Professor Tilley, of Southern Illinois University who authored a Report by the UN's Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia which  described Israel as an Apartheid state.  Of course this proved politically embarrassing for the UN and the head of ESCWA, Rima Khalaf, was forced to resign after the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres denounced the report and asked for it to be removed from the Commission's website.  Her talk on why Israel is an Apartheid state and why a Jewish state cannot be other than a racist state, given the systematic privileging of Jews in that state, was impressive.
Professor Tilley of Southern Illinois University spoke by Skype
I also went to hear two other equally impressive speakers Professor Ilan Pappe of Exeter University and John Pilger, who was impressive as always.  
Professor Ilan Pappe
All the talks, I understand, will be put on Youtube.

During lunch I and others spotted one David Collier, a Zionist snoop who makes a profession out of defaming activists and groups as 'anti-Semitic'.  He came up when he spotted me all friendly.  I asked him how he was enjoying the 'Jewish hate fest' that he and his compatriots had called Palestine Expo 2017.  He denied this and resumed his lunch, however we called for the security to evict him when he did.  His wife was most put out at this attack on freedom of speech, which is rich coming from those whose whole life is spent trying to suppress Palestinian freedom of speech.  Given the anti-Zionists are never allowed in Zionist functions and when they are spotted are usually assaulted Mr Collier should be grateful  that we didn't behave like his friends.
Miko Peled, son of a famous Israeli General addresses the conference
Zionist protest outside conference
Another Zionist, Jonathan Hoffman - friend of fascists and EDL  - was escorted out of the building too.  Outside there was a pathetically  small demonstration by a group of racists.
John Pilger, a life-long campaigning journalist

On another note entirely, I'm off on my holidays so this blog is likely to remain quiet for some time.

Tony Greenstein
Zionist attempts to ban conference - naturally it had to be anti-Semitic despite the large number of Jewish speakers
Racist solicitor Robert Festenstein Alleges Palestine Expo is an 'anti-Jewish hate fest'
Far-Right Zionist 'charity' Campaign Against Antisemitism Does its Best to Get Conference Banned

Racists demonstrate outside
Racist Zio is Desperate

Racist demonstration outside Palestine Expo 2017

Racists who found it difficult to accept a Palestine festival

Destroying the Myths of Israel’s Birth – the Mass Gang Rape & Murder of an Arab Child

I was brought up to believe that when Israel was founded, she was attacked by her Arab neighbours because they hated a Jewish state.  It was this in mind that the Arab villagers were instructed, by the leaders of the Arab states, to evacuate in order that the Arab armies could operate without let or hindrance.
A column of Israeli army half tracks travel through the Negev Desert area of Palestine during recent action against the Egyptians, Jan. 6, 1949. (AP)
It wasn’t until 1961 that two scholars, independently of each other, Erskine Childers and Walid Khalidi, examined the BBC and CIA transcripts of the period and found that these orders were a convenient fiction, that on the contrary the refugees had been ordered to remain.

We were also brought up on the myth of the purity of arms, that Israeli soldiers were the bearers of a Jewish morality.  That having been founded as a result of the Holocaust they were more than aware of not repeating Nazi deeds.  Jewish soldiers didn’t rape or pillage or massacre.  A Jewish state meant Jewish morality.

In fact Israel waged at its birth a ceaseless war in the Negev to remove as many Bedouin tribesmen as possible to neighbouring states and, as in the following story, declared free fire zones where any Arab they met was murdererd.

The following story, which first appeared in Ha’aretz, describes how an Arab girl, between 10 and 20 years old, was mass raped, on 3 successive days, by different squadrons.  Having abused her sufficiently a shallow grave was dug and she was murdered.  The comparison with what happened on the plains of White Russia to the Jews, when Nazi Germany invaded hardly bears repeating.

Although 19 of those involved eventually received prison sentences of 4 years each, even this puny sentence was cut in half.  Two years for killing a Palestinian child.  For Palestinians who kill Israeli soldiers, life means life.

Tony Greenstein


Newly revealed documents obtained by Haaretz tell the long-hidden story of what Ben-Gurion described as a 'horrific atrocity': In August 1949 an IDF unit caught a Bedouin girl, held her captive in a Negev outpost, gang-raped her, executed her at the order of the platoon commander and buried her in a shallow grave in the desert. Twenty soldiers who took part in the episode, including the platoon commander, were court-martialed and sent to prison.

Aviv Lavie, Moshe Gorali Oct 29, 2003 

There was a particularly festive atmosphere at the Nirim outpost on August 12, 1949, the eve of Shabbat. A week of dusty patrols and pursuits of infiltrators in the sands of the western Negev desert was at an end, and the commander of the hilltop site, Second Lieutenant Moshe, gave the order to make the preparations for a party. The tables in the large tent that was used as a mess hall were arranged in rows, sweets of various kinds were laid out on them and even a bit of wine was poured, though not enough to get drunk on. At exactly 8 P.M. the soldiers took their places and platoon commander Moshe recited the blessing over the wine. He then gave a Zionist pep talk, reiterating the importance of the unit's mission and the troops' contribution to the infant state. At the order of his deputy, Sergeant Michael, Private Yehuda read from the Bible. When he finished the soldiers burst into song, told jokes, ate and drank. A merry time was had by all.

Shortly before the end of the party, at about 9:30, the platoon commander asked for quiet. He got up and, with a smile on his face, reminded the soldiers about the Bedouin girl they had caught earlier that day during a patrol in their sector. They had brought her to the outpost and she was now locked up in one of the huts. Platoon commander Moshe said he was putting forward two options for a vote. The first was that the Bedouin girl would become the outpost's kitchen worker; the second was for the soldiers to have their way with her. The proposals got an enthusiastic reception. A melee ensued. The soldiers raised their hands and the second option was accepted by majority vote. "We want to fuck," the soldiers chanted. The commander decided on the order: Squad A on day one, Squad B on day two and Squad C on day three. The driver, Corporal Shaul, asked jokingly, "And what about the drivers? Are they orphans?" The platoon commander replied that they were part of the staff squad, together with the sergeant, the squad commanders, the cooks, the medic and he himself, of course. He added a threat - if any of the soldiers touch the girl "the tommy [tommy gun] will talk." The soldiers took this as a warning not to violate the order the commander had decreed.

The party ended, the soldiers went off to their tents. The officer ordered the platoon sergeant to bring a folding bed to the tent they shared and to place the Bedouin girl on it. Sergeant Michael did as he was told, entered the tent, closed the flap and shut off the lantern.

Thus began one of the ugliest and most appalling episodes in the history of the Israel Defense Forces. Even at a remove of 54 years, it is difficult to understand how an event of this kind could have happened with the participation, active or less active, of dozens of soldiers in uniform.

Low professional and moral level

The IDF of 1949, still in its infancy and called upon to defend the borders of the newborn state, found itself having to cope - not always successfully - with the rapid absorption of a very large number of untrained soldiers, especially those who were sent to the front immediately after disembarking from the ship in which they had arrived in Israel. "A rabble of new immigrants with a low professional and moral level," was the blunt description offered by the special military court in its verdict on the episode of the Nirim outpost.

Yehuda (his full name, as well as the names of others who were interviewed for this article, are in the possession of Haaretz) was one of the soldiers serving in the outpost in August 1949. He is now a 74-year-old pensioner who lives in the north. He accepts the description of the group as a "rabble": "I was then 20 years old," he says. "I ran away from the Turkish Army to Palestine and immediately enlisted. I remember that all the members of our battalion were new immigrants. Everyone was from a different country: Algeria, Hungary, Romania, Tunisia, Turkey, Morocco. We didn't know Hebrew, we communicated between us by sign language. We did our basic training at the Dead Sea. We were taught how to hold a rifle in a mess hall at Sodom. Then we were sent to the outpost, where we did patrols or trained in the trenches and practiced rushing to our positions."

Yehuda remembers the night of the party, but claims that he was then on guard duty and that he heard the story about the vote and what happened afterward only as a rumor. Together with 17 members of the platoon he was court-martialed for "negligence in preventing a crime." He was sentenced to four years in prison; his term was cut in half by the appeals court.

Yitzhak, who is the same age as Yehuda and now lives in the center, received the same punishment. He, too, had arrived in Israel a few months before the summer of 1949, and he did not know Hebrew. Today he is retired and has health problems. "I remember being in the Negev but I can't even remember the name of the unit. I had just arrived in the country, I looked like a boy, I did a lot of guard duty. I had forgotten about that whole affair, I don't remember a thing, I haven't thought about it for maybe 50 years. The only reason I was tried was that I was in the outpost when it happened. Beyond that I don't remember a thing and I have nothing to say. Was I angry at those who did it? What would it help me to be angry?"

The developments in the IDF after the War of Independence may furnish a partial explanation for the chain of events that is described in this article; but no more than a partial explanation. After all, the platoon commander, Moshe, who spearheaded the affair, was not part of the "new IDF." "The officer and the sergeant were veteran Israelis and spoke fluent Hebrew," Yehuda recalls. As far as is known, Moshe served in the British Army and afterward in the 8th Brigade under the command of the legendary Yitzhak Sadeh in what was the only IDF armored brigade in the War of Independence. The brigade was disbanded after the war and its officers and soldiers were reassigned to various units. Officer Moshe was sent to the Negev.

The Negev Region Command was established after the War of Independence. It was a regional command and its assignment was to secure the lengthy new border line between Israel and Egypt. The staff headquarters were located in Be'er Sheva, and the units were deployed in outposts along the border with the aim of preventing the infiltration of Bedouin from the Egyptian desert. The military historian Meir Pa'il, a retired colonel, was appointed operations officer of the Negev Region in December 1949, four months after the events with which this article deals. Pa'il: "The Negev was sparsely populated. We were barely able to cobble together one reserve battalion from all those who lived in the settlements in the region. In order to man the border line, units were sent on a rotating basis from other regions, such as the Golani Brigade, the 7th Brigade and so forth. In addition to preventing infiltrations, there was also an effort to remove as many Bedouin as possible from the country - from the Halutza Dunes area, for example. It was a kind of cleansing across the Egyptian border. The tribes who had cooperated during the war were left where they were; those who were hostile were expelled."

One of the battalions of the Negev Region was known as the Sodom District Battalion. The battalion was originally in charge of the Dead Sea and Arava area, but at the beginning of August 1949 it was moved to the Bilu Junction, near Rehovot, where it waited a few days for new orders. The battalion commander was Major Yehuda Drexler, who was nicknamed "Idel." Over the years, Drexler, afterward a leading architect, worked for the Jewish Agency, was one of the planners of Kibbutz Sde Boker in the Negev (Ben-Gurion's kibbutz) and reached the rank of department head in the Israel Lands Administration. One of the company commanders in the battalion was Captain Uri.

On August 8, his company was ordered to move south to man the outposts in the western Negev. The platoons were stationed at three kibbutzim: Be'eri, where the company headquarters and Captain Uri himself were stationed, Yad Mordechai and Nirim. Platoon 3, headed by the new commander, Second Lieutenant Moshe, who had been given command of the unit only a few days earlier, was sent to the Nirim outpost, which was responsible for the most remote and most dangerous sector - adjacent to the border with Egypt. Sergeant Michael was the deputy commander of the platoon.

On the eve of the move south, the company commander, Captain Uri, briefed the soldiers. Intelligence reports received from aerial patrols over the western Negev mentioned two Bedouin tribes that had been spotted in the sector. "You are to shoot to kill at any Arab in the territory of your sector," the company commander said. Moshe asked for the operational order in writing, as customary. The company commander promised to bring the written document to the outpost at a later date.

Platoon 3 reached Nirim on the afternoon of Tuesday, August 9. The infrastructure of the camp was quickly put in place: three large tents as the soldiers' quarters, a small tent for the officer and the sergeant, and a big tent as the mess hall. In addition, there was a small hut that served as the office of the platoon's headquarters and another hut, unused, which would play a central role in the episode.

In the summer of 1949, there was no longer any connection between Kibbutz Nirim and the outpost of the same name. The outpost bore the name Nirim because it was situated at the place where Kibbutz Nirim was originally established, in June 1946. The young kibbutz, which was located on the edge of the desert, fought for its survival in the harsh climatic conditions of the area and became the first settlement to be attacked on the first day of the War of Independence, on May 15, 1948. The Egyptians, with a force that included an artillery battalion, an infantry battalion and dozens of armored vehicles, launched a heavy barrage that caused immense damage: all the buildings of the kibbutz were burned to the ground, the animals died, and eight kibbutz members were killed and four wounded (of a total of 39 members). The barrage was followed by an assault mounted by hundreds of infantry soldiers, who reached the fence of the kibbutz. The kibbutzniks, firing from their trenches, inflicted heavy losses on the Egyptian force and miraculously the attack ended. The Egyptians changed their mind and decided to forgo the pleasure of infiltrating and capturing the kibbutz. Instead, they simply went around it on their way north.

The Nirim group spent the war in shelters and caves that they dug. When the hostilities ended and they were finally able to come to the surface in safety, they entered into talks with the army and the state authorities. There was a confluence of interests: the army coveted the site because of its strategic location; the kibbutzniks wanted to move north, to the line of 200 millimeters of rain a year.

In March 1994 the kibbutz moved about 15 kilometers north, to its present location. The IDF took over the terrain-dominating outpost, which was henceforth known as "Old Nirim," or "Dangour," as it was originally called - the name still appears on some maps - apparently after an Egyptian Jew who purchased land in the area. There is now a monument of rough concrete at the site that commemorates the kibbutz members who were killed in the Egyptian assault on the first day of the 1948 war. The monument bears an inscription: "It is not the tank that will triumph, but man." If you climb the monument and look west, you can see the rooftops of Khan Yunis.

The commander orders an execution

On Tuesday, August 9, the platoon organized itself at the outpost. The soldiers soon got used to the ways of the new commander. Second Lieutenant Moshe turned out to be a strict disciplinarian who demanded order and obedience. The soldiers had to dress properly and shave every day. Anyone who violated the orders was hauled before Moshe. The soldiers were apparently somewhat in awe of him. The next day the company commander, Captain Uri, visited the platoon. The first couple of days passed uneventfully. Until the morning of Friday, August 12.

At about 9 A.M. that day, Second Lieutenant Moshe set out on a patrol in the southwestern section of the sector, in a vehicle known as a "command car." With him were two squad commanders, Corporal David and Corporal Gideon, and three soldiers: privates Moshe, Yehuda and Aziz. The driver was Corporal Shaul. All the men were armed.

On the way they came across an Arab who was holding an English rifle. When the Arab spotted them he threw down the rifle and started to run up the dune. One of the soldiers opened fire at him with a submachine gun. The Arab was hit and died on the spot. His rifle was taken as booty.

A short time later, the patrol encountered three Arabs - two men and a girl. There are different versions regarding the girl's age. According to some accounts she was a young girl aged between 10 and 15; others say she was between 15 and 20. Platoon commander Moshe ordered the soldiers to seize the Arabs and search them. The soldiers found nothing. Officer Moshe then ordered the soldiers to bring the girl into the vehicle. Her shouts and screams were to no avail. Once she was inside the vehicle the soldiers scared off the two Arabs by shooting in the air. On the way back to the outpost they came across a herd of camels grazing. Officer Moshe ordered the soldiers to shoot the animals. Six camels were shot dead; their carcasses were left to rot in the field.

After the girl calmed down a bit, the soldiers exchanged a few words with her - especially Corporal David. They also talked among themselves, and the word "fuckable" came up in the conversation. The patrol returned to the outpost in the afternoon. At about the same time, another vehicle also arrived at the outpost: the battalion commander, Yehuda Drexler, was paying a visit, He was accompanied by Captain Mordechai (Motke) Ben Porat, operations officer of the Negev Region. Ben Porat eventually reached the rank of brigadier general in the Armored Corps and after his retirement from the army served as chairman of the National Parks Authority.

At the outpost, the soldiers removed the girl from the vehicle. Officer Moshe ordered that she be taken to the unused hut and a guard placed at the door. Private Avraham was designated the guard. Drexler, who noticed a certain commotion around the girl, asked what she was doing there. Officer Moshe replied that on the patrol he had encountered her and her husband, who was armed with a rifle. He told Drexler that they had killed the husband and taken the girl prisoner in order to interrogate her about the location of her tribe. Drexler authorized her interrogation but ordered that afterward she be taken back to the place where she had been seized, and released. He also asked platoon commander Moshe to ensure that the soldiers did not abuse her. Drexler and Ben Porat spent about two hours at the outpost, had lunch and left.

Shortly after their departure, Officer Moshe went out on another patrol, this time in the northern sector, in the direction of the new location of the kibbutz. After he had left, the platoon sergeant, Michael, removed the girl from the hut and pulled off the traditional garment she was wearing. He then made her stand, completely naked, under the water pipe that the soldiers used as a shower, then soaped her and rinsed her off. The pipe was outside and everyone at the outpost was able to witness the spectacle.

After the shower was over, Sergeant Michael burned the girl's dress and dressed her in a purple jersey and a pair of khaki shorts. Now looking like a regular Palmach commando, she was taken back to the hut and placed under the guard of Private Avraham. In short order a group of soldiers gathered around the hut. They milled around the guard and demanded that he let them go inside. At first he refused, but finally relented. In fact, he was the first to go in. He spent about five minutes in the hut and emerged buttoning up his trousers. He was followed by Private Albert, who was also in the hut for about five minutes, and then Private Liba.

Liba was still in the hut when platoon commander Moshe returned from the patrol. A few soldiers shouted a warning to Liba, who ran out of the hut and disappeared. Officer Moshe apparently understood what had happened, conducted a quick debriefing, and afterward, in the dining room, was heard to say that "three soldiers raped the Arab girl." He ordered her to be brought to the staff hut. The squad commanders, Corporal David and Corporal Gideon, were present in the hut. Officer Moshe took note of the girl's new apparel but said nothing. She told him, in Arabic, that the soldiers "played with her." It was obvious to Moshe what she meant. Corporal Gideon, who would be one of the main prosecution witnesses in the trial, testified that after the girl told Officer Moshe what she told him, he said to the others that she must be washed so she would be clean for fucking. Gideon, who lives in Givatayim and works as a tour guide, declined to be interviewed for this article.

At about 5 P.M., the platoon commander ordered Private Moshe, who was a barber by profession, to give the girl a haircut. That was done in the presence of the commander and the sergeant. Her hair, which had spilled down to her shoulders, was cut short and washed with kerosene. Again she was placed under the pipe, naked, before the scrutinizing eyes of the officer and the sergeant. Afterward she was dressed in the same jersey and shorts and sent back to the hut.

Then came the party, after which Officer Moshe and Sergeant Michael closeted themselves with the girl in their tent. After about half an hour, Officer Moshe ordered her taken out of the tent, because "there is a stink coming off her." Sergeant Michael called Private David and the two of them removed the bed from the tent, with the girl lying on it in a state of unconsciousness. They carried the bed to the entrance of the hut. Michael placed the girl on the floor, went to get water and poured the water on her. He then carried her in his arms into the hut. Corporal David accompanied him.

At about 6 A.M. the next day, Private Eliahu was on guard duty and saw the girl leaving the hut. He asked her where she was going and she told him, weeping, that she wanted to see the officer. Private Eliahu showed her the way to Officer Moshe's tent. She complained to him that the soldiers had "played with her." He threatened to kill her and sent her back to the hut. A short time later, while shaving at the water pipe, Sergeant Michael asked the platoon commander what to do with her. Officer Moshe ordered him to execute the girl.

Michael ordered Corporal David to have two soldiers get shovels and accompany him. Michael and David removed the girl from the hut and had her get into the patrol vehicle. Just before the vehicle left the outpost, one of the soldiers shouted that he wanted back the short pants the girl was wearing. Officer Moshe ordered her to be stripped and the pants returned to the soldier. She now wore only the jersey, her lower body exposed.

Eliahu and Shimon dig a grave

The vehicle set out, driven by Corporal Shaul. Also in the vehicle were Sergeant Michael, Corporal David, the medic, and the two soldiers who were to be the gravediggers, Privates Eliahu and Shimon, with their shovels. They drove about 500 meters from the outpost. The driver, Shaul, stayed in the vehicle, while the others, with the girl, moved off a little way into the dunes. Privates Eliahu and Shimon set about digging a grave. When the girl saw what they were doing, she screamed and started to run. She ran about six meters before Sergeant Michael aimed his tommy gun at her and fired one bullet. The bullet struck the right side of her head and blood began to pour out. She fell on the spot and did not move again. The two soldiers went on digging.

Sergeant Michael went back to the vehicle. Pale and trembling, he laid down his weapon and said to Shaul, "I didn't believe I could do something like that." Shaul said that maybe the bullet didn't kill her and that she was liable to lie in torment for a few hours, buried alive. He asked Michael to do him a personal mercy by going back to the girl and shooting her a few more times, to ascertain that she was dead. The sergeant did not manage to carry out that mission. Corporal David came over, took the tommy gun and fired a few bullets into the girl's body. The pit the privates dug wasn't very deep, only about 30 centimeters. They placed the body in the pit, covered it over with sand and returned to the outpost.

That afternoon the company commander, Captain Uri, visited the outpost. Not finding Second Lieutenant Moshe at the site, he left the written operation order that Moshe had requested with the platoon sergeant. Officer Moshe was then on his way to Be'er Sheva. It was Saturday night and he was on his way to see a movie. At the movie theater he met the battalion commander, Drexler. Drexler asked whether the Bedouin girl had been taken back to the place where she was found. Officer Moshe said she hadn't: "They killed her," he said, "it was a shame to waste the gas." Drexler said nothing but the next day ordered the company commander to go to the outpost and find out exactly what happened there.

Even before he received the order, Captain Uri, who had heard rumors about the events at the outpost, asked Officer Moshe for a report about what had happened with the Arab girl. Moshe ordered Sergeant Michael to draw up the report in his handwriting. When the report was completed, Officer Moshe signed it and sent it to the company commander. The following is the report, dated August 15, 1949:

"Nirim Outpost. To: Company Commander. From: Commander, Nirim Outpost.

Re: Report on the captive

In my patrol on 12.8.49 I encountered Arabs in the territory under my command, one of them armed. I killed the armed Arab on the spot and took his weapon. I took the Arab female captive. On the first night the soldiers abused her and the next day I saw fit to remove her from the world.

Signed: Moshe, second lieutenant."

Thursday, 6 July 2017

Professors Ofer Cassif & Daniel Blatman of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem Compare Israel to Nazi Germany

According to the IHRA definition of Anti-Semitism Israeli Professors Cassif and Blatman are 'anti-Semitic'

According to the discredited International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of 'anti-Semitism' which Theresa May adopted in January and which the Zionists are trying to foist on the Labour Party, manifestations of anti-Semitism may include ‘Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.’  No doubt for telling it as they see it Israeli Professors Cassif and Blatman are also anti-Semitic?  Whereas the Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orban, who signed up to the IHRA whilst seeking to rehabilitate Admiral Horthy, who presided over the deportation of nearly 1/2m Jews in 1944 is kosher!

According to this twisted 'logic' if you compare marches in Nazi Germany that demanded that Jews go to Palestine or worse to the ‘Death to the Arabs’ marches in Israel today that would be anti-Semitic. 
If you were to compare turning Jew killers in Nazi Germany to making an Arab killer like Elor Azaria a hero that too would be anti-Semitic.
If you were to point to the repeated targeting of the Arab minority in Israel by legislation passed by the Jewish majority to a similar phenomenon in Nazi Germany yesterday with respect to its Jewish community that would be anti-Semitic.
If you were to point to the Nazi programme from 1933 onwards that demanded the emigration and expulsion of Jews to the support for the expulsion of Israel’s Palestinian citizens that too is apparently anti-Semitic.
Gen. Yair Golan, who compared developments in Israel to Nazi Germany in a Holocaust Memorial Day speech
Or if you simply compared the scapegoating of Jews in Nazi Germany to the scapegoating of Arabs in Israel e.g. for the wave of fires that spread in Israel earlier this year, which were held to be an ‘arson intifada’ that would also be anti-Semitic according to the IHRA definition of anti-Semitism.
As the settler news agency Arutz Sheva reported at the time:
Security forces are dealing with a wave of fires breaking out all over the country. According to official estimates, terror squads are igniting the fires in various areas, and efforts are being made to locate these squads.
In January 2017 +972 Magazine reported Two months on, still no evidence of a 'fire intifada' in Israel but that had not stopped Netanyahu and Erdan, his security Minister talking about arson and launching a wave of arrests of Israeli Arabs, not one of whom was charged in the end.
 Professor Daniel Blatman wrote in Ha’aretz a few weeks ago an article Heading Toward an Israeli Apartheid State which compared developments in Nazi Germany with the Nuremburg laws and Apartheid South Africa to Israel today.  Professor Blatman is a Holocaust researcher and head of the Institute for Contemporary Jewry at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.  According to the contemptible charlatans who use ‘anti-Semitism’ as a weapon of British foreign policy to defame supporters of the Palestinians, Professor Blatman too is an anti-Semite.
Well another Israeli Professor Dor Ofer Cassif has also compared recent developments in Israel and the legislation passed by the Knesset to those of the Third Reich.  No doubt Professor Cassif too is an anti-Semite.  It would seem that these days anyone who dares speak out and tell the truth is an anti-Semite.  Zionism is determined it seems to legitimise and exonerate anti-Semitism by making completely legitimate and valid criticisms of racist rottweiller of a state equivalent to Jew hatred.
Of course the real anti-Semites, people like Donald Trump’s Strategic Advisor Steve Bannon are kosher because although they don’t much like ‘whiny Jews’ they love Israel!
Tony Greenstein
demonstration in Sheikh Jarrah, Jerusalem against settler occupation of Palestinian hopes and against apartheid in Israel
June 23, 2017 10:48
Professor Offer Cassif
Hebrew University Professor, Dr. Ofer Cassif, compared recent Israeli legislation, both proposed and passed, to those of the Third Reich in Nazi Germany, reported Channel 2 on Thursday as a recording of his class became public.

The statement occurred in a Politics and Government course as part of a preparatory college program at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. 

One of Cassif's students objected to the comparison, but the political science professor continued with his analogy stating that it is comfortable to deny the situation in order not to come to terms with reality, but that it would very dangerous to do so.

He also explained to his students that the comparison is a matter of fact rather than opinion. His personal thoughts on the matter are even far more reaching.

Cassif further criticized the current state of of affairs in Israel saying, "those who refuse to see the similarities between what is happening in Israel, specifically in the past two years, and Germany in the 1930s, has a problem and will be responsible for the potential situation of the state."

Cassif drew specific parallels from recent Israeli legislature regarding Arabs and Jews, to policies of Nazi Germany.

The Hebrew University professor stated that the proposed Israeli nation-state law is similar to 1930s Germany's methods of creating a hierarchy of citizens according to classes.

Cassif also criticized recent legislation passed
 legalizing 4,000 homes in the West Bank, stating that this this law, "allows Jews to take over Palestinian-owned land for themselves, just like Aryans in 1930 Germany were allowed to kick Jews out of their homes."

Cassif's next comparison was regarding the 
recent legislative proposal pushed by Netanyahu to ban funding from foreign NGOs. Cassif explained to his students that this bill is similar to laws passed in Nazi Germany limiting organizations that criticized the regime.

The Israeli Right was furious about the teachings of Prof. Cassif.

The Likud party defended the nation-state law, explaining that it "is based on the Israeli Declaration of Independence, and therefore this professor the very creation of the state is racist."

“Comparing the State of Israel to the most wicked regime in the history of mankind is not only a disgusting display of anti-Israel propaganda, but something more severe than Holocaust denial,” said CEO of right wing NGO Im Tirtzu, Matan Peleg.

In response to the criticism surrounding the publication of his lesson, Cassif stated that, "the purpose of a classroom is to hold discussions and I did not prevent any of my students from speaking, therefore I will not give in to the attempt to silence me and prevent an open and constructive discussion."

He also added that he stands behind his Israel-Nazi comparisons.

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem responded by saying that Cassif's "discussion took place during the class 'Fascism- past and present,' and it is unfortunate that certain students chose to record their professor when not agreeing with his stance, instead of conducting an open discussion based on facts and opinions."

This is not the first time Cassif has been criticized for making Nazi comparisons regarding Israel.

In late 2015, the Hebrew University professor 
called Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked "neo-Nazi scum."

In a similar occurrence Cassif took to social media last year, tweeting that Facebook blocked him for making a Hitler reference as a reaction to a pro-Netanyahu comment.


Wednesday, 5 July 2017

Goebbels comes to Israel as ‘Culture’ Minister Miri Regev attacks dissident culture

In Nazi Germany the state simply banned all ‘deviant’ culture.  In Israel it is more subtle  Political pressure is put on festivals not to stage plays about the Occupation.  In recent days she has threatened to cut the government’s 20% funding of the Israel Festival because plays which include full frontal nudity harm “Israel as a Jewish and democratic state.”  Quite how nudity threatens the security of the state beggars belief.
Miri Regev (left) Israel's Culture Minister, Joseph Goebbels (right) Nazi Culture Minister
Previously Regev has threatened the funding of any group that refuses to perform events in the Occupied Territories.  She also froze funds to an Arabic-language theater in Haifa for its production of a play that she claims incites violence against Israeli soldiers. 

Culture Minister Miri Regev, a former military censor and Brigadier-General, clearly has as her role model one Joseph Goebbels.  Culture must be seen to uphold the political and national norms of the day.  Culture cannot be subversive of the existing order but on the contrary act to reinforce the message of conformity and loyalty to, in Israel’s case, nationalistic and Zionist shibboleths. 

Regev is famous for having called refugees and asylum seekers a ‘cancer’ in Israeli society.  [52% of Israeli Jews agree: African migrants are ‘a cancer’]  When criticised for this comment, she then apologised to cancer patients, for having compared them to asylum seekers.

Below we see how the conscious attempt to repress dissident culture in Israel is taking its toll on one festival, in the city of Acre.


Tony Greenstein 

Banned Play on Palestinian Prisoners, Throws Israeli Theater Festival Into Turmoil


Artistic director quits popular Acre Fringe Theater Festival after public steering committee disqualifies 'Prisoners of Occupation'

Yair Ashkenazi Jun 05, 2017 8:35 AM

Einat Weitzman and Hassan Murad in 'Shame.' Very sad laughter. David Bachar
The artistic director of the Acre Fringe Theater Festival resigned Sunday because a play about Palestinian prisoners was disallowed by the event’s steering committee.

Avi Gibson Bar El informed the Acre municipality that he was resigning because the play “Prisoners of the Occupation” by Einat Weitzman was blocked by the committee. Gibson issued a short statement about his resignation to the festival’s artists. Afterward, Yosef Abu-Varda, a member of the festival’s artistic committee, also resigned.

Avi Gibson Bar El. Moti Milrod
After six of the eight ensembles that were to compete in the festival threatened to drop out if Weitzman’s play was not restored to the program, it was no longer clear what form – if any – the festival, scheduled for the intermediate days of Sukkot, will take this year. Several of the production’s artists met over the weekend to decide on how to proceed, and one of them told Haaretz that they planned to stage their plays outside the Acre festival.

“This year Acre will have the Miri Regev festival,” said the artist, referring to the culture minister who denounces and threatens the funding of works she deems unpatriotic. “The Fringe Theater Festival will take place in [another] city that understands freedom of expression.”

Israeli producers, actors condemn 'offensive' move by Acre

The steering committee’s disqualification of “Prisoners of the Occupation,” which deals with letters and stories of Palestinian prisoners, angered some artists’ organizations. The Association of Independent Theater Producers and the Israeli Actors Union supported for Gibson and several artists’ withdrawal from the festival, and condemned the Acre municipality, which they called “offensive and undemocratic.”
Craig Dershowitz
 All the years of its existence the festival has preserved freedom of expression and had become a symbol of coexistence and cooperation,” the two groups wrote in a joint statement. “Last year Gibson got high praise from the public, the critics, Acre residents and the municipality for the quality of the festival.”

They said it was critical that the steering committee and artistic committee operate separately. “From the moment the steering committee and the municipality choose the artistic director, they should back him, even if the artistic content doesn’t conform to their personal views, legitimate as they may be. [The decision] shook up the entire festival and put its very existence in question.”

Yehoshua Sobol Rami Shllush
Playwright and director Yehoshua Sobol, who planned to have his play “Shkulim” staged at the festival, told Haaretz the steering committee disqualified Weitzman’s play “without seeing her pilot and without reading her text, because the text was still being formulated. She submitted an idea and a pilot, and the disqualification was based on the name of the work – ‘Prisoners of the Occupation,’ and the name of the writer, who last year staged ‘Palestine – Year Zero.’ The politocrats decided the subject had been dealt with enough, and that’s the worst kind of censorship.”

In response, the Acre Festival management called Gibson’s resignation “irresponsible and evidence of his misunderstanding of his role and an outrageous lack of professionalism.”


The statement added, “Gibson’s decision that year after year the main topic would be terrorists with blood on their hands is evidence of a fixation and inability to diversify.”

It wasn’t just Dr Mengele and the Nazi doctors who conducted experiments on Jewish children – Israeli doctors did too

Labour Zionism's Kidnapping and Abduction of Thousands of Yemenite Babies

Children were routinely separated from their parents on kibbutzes Spielberg Jewish Film Archive
Less than two weeks ago, two thousand Yemenite Jews demonstrated in Jerusalem in protest at the latest saga of the thousands of missing babies.  When the Israeli state was founded in 1948, it was primarily by White European Ashkenazi Jews.  Their racism towards the native Palestinians was carried over into their treatment and attitudes towards the Arab Jews who came after 1948.

Led by the Labour Zionist movement which ruled Israel from 1948 till 1977, Israel’s rulers sought to eradicate the backward ‘Orientalist’ culture and behaviour of the Arab Jews.  Zionism sought to bring over the Arab Jews as the new Israeli working class but they wanted to eradicate their Arab heritage as part of the creation of the new Israeli Jewish people.

In many Arab countries, like Morocco and Iraq, there was a deliberate policy of destabilisation of the Jewish communities.  There was a steady determination that those communities had to be destroyed and transplanted to Israel.  See The Zionist Destruction of the Iraqi Jewish Community - When the Zionist Underground Planted Bombs Outside Baghdad’s Jewish Caf├ęs and Synagogues. The Zionist movement was nothing if not ruthless.  It needed to replace the Palestinians, who had been expelled because they were not Jewish, with working class Jews, even if it meant uprooting ancient communities and destroying their way of life.

The racist attitudes which led to the destruction of these communities also made itself felt once these communities reached Israel.  In the case of the Yemenite Jews, who were the first Arab Jews to be brought over, thousands of their babies and children were simply kidnapped and abducted, whilst their parents were told they had suddenly died.

Zionism had sought to create a  racially pure Jewish state.  They were fascinated by the ideas of eugenics [see Nazi & Zionist Eugenics] and selective breeding.  What better way to improve the human material than to separate babies off from their ‘backward’ parents.  A state based on racist barbarism towards the indigenous population was scared lest the same ‘unhealthy traits’ reappear in the Arab Jews.

Tony Greenstein


 The surviving relatives of Yemenite Jewish children that families says were abducted by staff at state-run medical facilities and illicitly sold into adoption protest in Jerusalem. The demonstrators called for the Israeli government to investigate the alleged systematic kidnappings known as the Yemenite Children Affair, June 21, 2017. 
The surviving relatives of Yemenite Jewish children that families says were abducted by staff at state-run medical facilities and illicitly sold into adoption protest in Jerusalem. The demonstrators called for the Israeli government to investigate the alleged systematic kidnappings known as the Yemenite Children Affair, June 21, 2017. (Photo: Shiraz Grinbaum and Yotam Ronen / Activestills.
(Photo: Shiraz Grinbaum and Yotam Ronen / Activestills.org)

Over 2,000 Israeli Yemenite Jews and supporting activists gathered in Jerusalem last Wednesday to mark an annual day of awareness for what families say was a state-sponsored program to abduct Yemenite Jewish infants and other Israeli children born to parents who were recent immigrants from Arab countries.

Known as the Yemenite Children Affair, in the first decade after the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, there was a systematic kidnapping of newborn Yemenite children, carried out by Israeli hospitals and government institutions. Mothers, who often were in Israel for a short time and did not speak Hebrew, would enter hospitals or other state facilities to give birth. Once the child was born medical staff told the parents the child died unexpectedly. Yet none of the families were shown bodies or burial documents. Many of the families did not practice any mourning ceremonies because they believed their missing children were still alive.
(Photo: Shiraz Grinbaum and Yotam Ronen / Activestills.org
The babies who went missing, parents claim, were given away to childless Ashkenazi families (Jews of European descent–the dominant ethnic group in Israel at the time), leaving the Yemenite families with no answers regarding their children’s fate. In most cases, the families were told the children died unexpectedly.

There have been a few national state committees tasked with investigating the matter over the decades, but they were previously accused of ignoring real evidence and helping government efforts to cover up the affair. Following recent pressure by the third generation of Jewish Yemenite activists, part of the national archives and state protocols were disclosed to the public.
(Photo: Shiraz Grinbaum and Yotam Ronen / Activestills.org
Last year Benjamin Netanyahu had more than 3,500 government files on the investigation into the disappearance of the children published online.  A Knesset committee followed up by confirming earlier this month that Yemenite babies died during the 1950s after state medical institutions conducted experiments on them. Despite the disclosures, the families are still in the dark regarding their relatives, and the matter is still an open wound in the Israeli society.

Seeking more answers, the Israeli nonprofit Amram organized the protest in Jerusalem last week under the title “Recognition, Justice, Healing,” calling on the government to open all of the national archives, which could allow for family reunification. The demonstrators also want the affair recognized as a crime against humanity.

This was the largest protest on the topic in the history of Israel to date.
(Photo: Shiraz Grinbaum and Yotam Ronen / Activestills.org

(Photo: Shiraz Grinbaum and Yotam Ronen / Activestills.org

Shiraz Grinbaum is an independent photographer and photo-editor, and a member of the Activestills Photography Collective since 2012. She is the co-editor of the book "Activestills: Photography as Protest in Palestine/Israel" (Pluto Press, 2016). Yotam Ronen is an independent photographer and a co-founder of the Activestills Photography Collective. He is a staff member for Walla!, an Israeli news outlet.

Missing babies: Israel's Yemenite children affair

Leah Aharoni 
21 June 2017

In the years after the creation of the Israeli state hundreds of babies went missing. Their parents, mostly Jewish immigrants from Yemen, were told their children had died, but suspicions linger that they were secretly given away to childless families - and newly released documents have revealed some disturbing evidence.
Leah shows a death certificate for her daughter from 1969 - she was also given one dated 1966
When Leah Aharoni remembers losing her baby daughter five decades ago, she bursts into tears.

"I just saw her for a short time. She was pretty with fair skin. She opened her eyes and looked at me, as if she was saying: 'Don't let me go,'" she says.

Leah had given birth to premature twins in a hospital near her home in Kiryat Ekron, in central Israel, but the little girls were sent away to be cared for.
Leah’s family (she is second from the left) before they left Aden
She was told they were being taken to a special clinic in Tel Aviv. But when Leah's husband visited soon afterwards, only one of the twins was there. The other, Hanna, had died, he was informed.
Leah was shocked not to be shown a body or a grave - a common feature of such stories - but she and her husband did not doubt the heart-breaking news.

It was only years later that she began asking questions, when her surviving daughter, Hagit, turned 18 and was called for national military service.

Two draft notices arrived in the post simultaneously. One for Hagit - and one for Hanna. This is another hallmark of missing baby stories.
KNESSET SPECIAL COMMITTEE - Disturbing photographs of malnourished children in hospital with the word "spleen" marked on their body were shown in evidence to the Knesset special committee
Media caption 'I want to know where my daughter went'

"It started to bother me. Something was not right. I couldn't sleep at night. I decided I had to know what happened," Leah says.

Leah had experienced many calamities long before the loss of her baby. As a child, she and her family had joined thousands of Jews fleeing violence in Yemen. They were robbed as they trekked from one end of the country to the other and Leah was reduced to begging for food. Then they were rescued in an airlift known as Operation Magic Carpet.
Rafi Shubeli, Yemenite-Israeli historian and activist from the group Our Brothers Exist, giving evidence in the Knesset

"It was the land I had always dreamed about," the 78-year-old recalls, remembering the flight to Israel.

"When we got off the plane everyone kissed the holy ground.
"Then we heard the bombs and grenades and saw the smoke."

They had arrived, malnourished and penniless, during the first Arab-Israeli war.

Many Yemenite Jews spent periods in transit camps before being settled in homes, and stories of babies going missing began to arise immediately.

Some reports talk of children disappearing after visits to the camps by wealthy American Jews.
In other cases children appeared to be recovering in hospitals from relatively minor ailments when the parents were suddenly told they had died.

On kibbutzes, where some of the Yemenites settled, it was typical for youngsters to be separated from their parents and looked after together, and here too it's said that some children vanished.

Image copyright Spielberg Jewish Film Archive Image caption Children were routinely separated from their parents on kibbutzes

Estimates of the number of missing children range from hundreds to thousands.

In many cases the parents believe their children were really kidnapped and given or sold to families of European Jews - occasionally Holocaust survivors who had lost their children - or Americans.
Over time, Leah, like many other parents, ceased to believe in the story of her child's death.

"I went to my father and told him, but he said I should never suspect another Jew stole my child," she says.

She went in search of documents that would reveal the truth about what happened to Hanna, and was deeply disturbed by what she found.

One document she obtained said the babies were moved to Tel Aviv after the date on Hanna's death certificate.

Another was a second death certificate, dated three years later than the first - long after Leah and her husband had been told their daughter had died.

Like Leah, most parents received no information about their child's grave. When they did, in some cases it transpired that the grave was empty, or DNA tests showed that the body was not theirs.
Three government inquiries have looked into the Yemenite Children Affair, as it is known, since the 1960s, and all have concluded that most children died of diseases and were buried without their parents being informed or involved.

But many of the families involved suspect a cover-up and continue to believe that there was an organised operation to snatch children, involving health workers and government officials.
So last year the government of Benjamin Netanyahu decided to open up most of the archives of the public inquiries and put them online.

Netanyahu said this marked a new era of transparency and would "right an historic wrong".
Last week it led to shocking revelations in a Knesset committee about medical experiments on Yemenite children. Testimony given under oath at one of the earlier inquiries revealed that four undernourished babies died after being given an experimental protein injection, and that many children died as a result of medical negligence.

Image copyright Knesset Special Committee Image caption Disturbing photographs of malnourished children in hospital with the word "spleen" marked on their body were shown in evidence to the Knesset special committee

Post-mortem examinations were carried out on children, who were then buried in mass graves in violation of Jewish tradition, the special Knesset committee on the disappearance of children heard. In some cases the children's hearts were removed for US doctors, who were studying why there was almost no heart disease in Yemen.

"It's a big scandal that the doctors didn't tell the parents they were doing experiments and research on their children," says Nurit Koren, the chair of the committee.

"And even worse there are healthy babies who died from an experimental treatment. It's a crime, it was on purpose, and it let to their death."

Koren is herself the child of parents from Yemen. One of her cousins and her mother-in-law's sister were among the children who disappeared. So one of her objectives, on being elected, was to reopen the subject, which she describes as "an open wound in the heart of the Israeli nation".

One of the disturbing aspects of the Yemenite Children Affair is the way the darker-skinned immigrants appear to have been treated as second-class citizens. The founders of Israel were mostly Ashkenazi Jews, of European descent, some of whom expressed fears that Mizrahi (literally "Eastern") Jews brought with them a backwards "Oriental" culture that might damage the new state.
"Zionism - what is it really about?" asks Rafi Shubeli, a Yemenite-Israeli historian and activist from the group Our Brothers Do Exist.

"What were its intentions towards Mediterranean Jews, the Jews of the Islamic world?
"There are very many elements in Israeli society who want to avoid this kind of discussion."

Whether there was an organised conspiracy to snatch Yemenite babies and give them away for adoption remains unproven though, according to historian Tom Segev, who has written books on Israel's early years and served as an expert witness for one government inquiry.

He points out that hundreds of thousands of immigrants arrived in Israel at a time of war, and in the years immediately afterwards, when the country was still reeling.

"All these people came in very, very difficult conditions and it's a story of chaos," Segev says.
Media captionTom Segev: "I don't think there was a conspiracy"

Yemenites were housed in tents and had to endure heavy winters. There were child mortality rates of 50%, he points out.

Some children may have been given away, he accepts.

"In some cases this might have happened: one, two, three, four, 10 - I don't know how many," he says.
But in most cases the children just died, he believes.

"It's probably the most tragic story of the return of Jews to Israel."

Working with Nurit Koren, MyHeritage, a company that researches family ancestry, recently began offering help to Yemenite Jews who have a missing child, or who think they were secretly adopted.
Leah Aharoni, who has long been convinced that her daughter, Hanna, could be alive and searching for her biological family, gave a DNA sample - samples of cells from the inside of her cheek - to be checked against others in a new database for Yemenite-Israelis.

"I want to find out where my daughter went. I want her to know that I didn't abandon her, that I love her," Leah says. "I was tricked."

She is encouraged by a few cases in which adults in Israel and abroad found out they had been adopted, and managed to trace their Yemenite parents. She is still waiting to find out if there is a match for her.

At a beachside cafe in Haifa, I meet a physicist who is philosophical about how his life was shaped by this time of turmoil.

Image caption Yehuda Kantor found his biological family through DNA testing
A few months ago, Yehuda Kantor became the first person to be reunited with his biological family through the MyHeritage testing programme.

He had spent more than 20 years searching for his biological mother - making regular appearances in the media to publicise his case.

"I got hundreds of telephone numbers and lots of information but none quite fitted my story. I tried some DNA tests but it was in vain," Yehuda says.
Yehuda as a child with his adoptive family
Yehuda had a happy childhood, raised in nearby Afula by Batia and Asher Kantor, an Ashkenazi Jewish couple originally from Eastern Europe.

Image caption Yehuda as a child with his adoptive family

Photographs show he had a darker complexion than his relatives and school friends.

However, it was not until he reached his twenties that he discovered what much of his close-knit community already knew: he was adopted.

His mother, who had been unable to conceive, revealed she had brought him home from a small orphanage, aged three.

She always feared losing him and so, out of respect for his adoptive parents, it was only after they died that Yehuda opened his adoption file.

This showed no signature of consent from his Yemenite biological mother and gave only her first name, Zahara.

MyHeritage was able to use that to trace a grave for a woman who had died 17 years ago.
They then approached her five children asking them to do DNA tests. These showed they are the half-brother and half-sisters of Yehuda.

"Wow, there are a lot," remarked Yehuda, as he was told the news ahead of an emotional first meeting filmed by Israeli television.

His biological siblings had never been told of the existence of an older brother and were unable to explain the circumstances of his adoption.

However, they were able to give some information on his roots and Yehuda is delighted to be getting to know them better.

"I'm happy the circle was completed and I now know the history, the origin and I know which family [I'm from] from a genetic point of view," he says.

"You cannot regret what happened in the past. This is my life. I accept it as it is."

Additional reporting by Erica Chernofsky